Five of the 22 Israeli demonstrators – now being referred to in Israeli press reports as “extreme rightwing” – arrested for rioting in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Jebal Mukaber on Sunday evening, are still being held “until further notice”, police spokesman Mickey Rosenfeld said on Tuesday morning.
He said that another five who are under the age of 16 are being held for an additional 24 hours. The other 12 have been released, Rosenfeld said – but they have been ordered by the Jerusalem District Court to stay away from the Jebal Mukaber neighborhood until further notice. “If we see them there, we’ll arrest them immediately, and they will be brought to Court again, but their status will obviously have been changed”.
It is not yet clear if any of those arrested are being been charged with criminal acts.
Protest leaders had earlier said they would persist until they were successful in their efforts to destroy the home and expel the family of the man who attacked a West Jerusalem yeshiva some ten days ago, killing eight students there.
The attacker, Alaa Abu Dheim, was himself shot and killed by a gun-carrying student and someone living near the yeshiva. Abu Dheim’s body was not released for burial until a week later, in order to avoid any ceremony, and was interred under police supervision at 3 am last Thursday morning, with only his father and brothers present.
The demonstrators, who had announced their intentions several days in advance, broke through, or supposedly outflanked, a massed, deployed and supposedly-prepared police force. They managed to throw stones at houses belonging to a number of residents of Jebal Mukaber, breaking windows, rooftop solar water heaters, and car windows — and they injured several Israeli policemen.
They also appeared to incite hatred and fear in an already fraught environment.
According to the Jerusalem Post, the protestors marched through the streets of the village, carrying signs baring the words, ‘Enemies don’t earn livings’, ‘Expel the Arab enemy’, and ‘Israel for Israelis’, while chanting ‘Death to Arabs’.”
The demonstrators had gathered at a scenic spot with a touristic restaurant in south Jerusalem called the Promenade, located in a neighborhood that was a no-man’s land from 1948 until 1967, but is now a Jewish residential and commercial district. It is near the Government House, a stately building with a rose garden and palm trees that was built to serve as the seat of the British administration during the pre-1948 Mandate period, and which since has housed various offices of the United Nations. It is now the base of the UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO).
Jebal Mukaber is just a short walk down the hill.
It is one of the East Jerusalem neighborhoods that have been divided by Israeli military construction of The Wall. The Abu Dheim family home the demonstrators were seeking to destroy is located on the Jerusalem side.
Prior to the well-publicized demonstration, the Jerusalem Post reported that “police raised their level of alert and reinforcements were in place around Jebel Mukaber … Police said Sunday that they would allow the activists to hold a protest on the promenade in Armon Hanatziv, but vowed to stop anyone attempting to march toward Jebel Mukaber”.
Israel’s YNet website reported that a senior police official admitted: “We were surprised by the intensity of the riots … There was marked violence towards police personnel and local residents, and protestors stormed their way into the village using stones, fire crackers and anything else they could get their hands on”.
Fatmeh al-‘Ajou, an attorney with Adalah, an Israeli organization working for Arab Minority Rights, said that “I am surprised that you are surprised [at the lack of official Israeli statements calling for restraint or cooling the situation] – this is very consistent with Israel’s overall policy concerning Palestinians”.
Al-‘Ajou said that “For us, East Jerusalem is occupied territory … and the minute the State claimed that East Jerusalem is annexed, the people there should be protected under law and under the Geneva conventions”. And, she said, “Israel claims that there is a war between Palestinians and Israelis, but this is not supposed to include its Palestinian/Israeli Arab citizens or East Jerusalem Residents … But, for them, the residents of East Jerusalem are the same as Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza”.
Residents of East Jerusalem have a niche position. Like Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, East Jerusalem Palestinians are for the most part stateless. They do have the valuable but tenuous status of “legal residents”, and they carry the important “blue” ID card conferring the right to reside, to work and to travel.
Few East Jerusalem Palestinians are full citizens of Israel. That option was more freely offered in earlier years, and while the numbers of East Jerusalem Palestinians applying for full Israeli citizenship have reportedly increased in recent months, requirements have become much more stringent. Many East Jerusalem Palestinians also have a special Jordanian passport of limited duration which permits travel, but which does not actually mean real citizenship.
Al-‘Ajou said that Adalah had not yet taken any action concerning the family house in Jabel Mukaber: “As far as I know, there is no decision (yet) to destroy the house – but given the statements that have been made by various senior Israeli government officials, she expects there will be – “And at that time we will deal with it.”
The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) did, however, do something. Melanie Takefman, ACRI’s International Communication Coordinator, said that a letter had been sent to Minister for Internal Security Avi Dichter last Thursday, saying that destruction of the house would be a violation of the family’s basic rights, including their right to dignity – and, as a measure of collective punishment, would also be a violation of international law. There has not been any response, Takefman said, but the house has not been destroyed – and for that, she said, ACRI is happy.
YNet reported on Sunday, before the demonstration, that “the political and legal arenas continue to engage in the question whether the terrorist’s house should be destroyed. Defense Minister Ehud Barak said that he supported the demolition of the house, and Internal Security Minister Avi Dichter issued an order for its demolition. However, Colonel (res.) Ilan Katz, the former deputy chief military prosecutor, told Ynet that ‘there would be a legal difficulty in destroying the house, due to a decision made by a military committee in 2005 that the effectiveness of the deterrence in such cases has worn out’.”
Adalah senior attorney Orna Kohen said in a phone interview with this reporter on Monday: “I agree with you that the situation is very dangerous. There is ongoing incitement, but this is nothing new, and the Israeli political leadership is staying silent, and by that is giving legitimacy to the incitement”.
Despite the promises made in the 1948 Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel, and despite Israel’s ratification of a number of international human rights conventions, Kohen said, “There is the reality – there is not just incitement, or the silence of the politicians, but also active actions, such as the reality of discrimination based on ethnicity, since Day One, and it doesn’t get much better”.
In addition, Kohen explained, “There is a legal authority which enables the government, under defense regulations kept since the Mandatory period, to ‘confiscate or to destroy a house’. This is under Article 119 of the 1945 Time of Emergency regulations which apply both in Israel and in the occupied territory – and, yes, there is still an on-going state of emergency, ever since 1948, and this is renewed by the Knesset every year. In this case, it would be the GOC Home Front Commander Major General Ya’ir Golan, who has the power to make the decision to destroy the Jebal Mukaber home”.
So, she said, “To the question ‘Is there authority?’, the answer is Yes – a very terrible one, which allows a very drastic and undemocratic and unjust measure”.
Kohen noted, however that this the destruction of homes under this measure (as distinct from house demolitions due to supposed to violations of administrative requirements to have proper building permits which are extremely difficult to obtain in the first place) has not been done for many years in Israel, except, she said, sometimes in East Jerusalem – while there has been massive use of this regulation to destroy homes in the West Bank.
House demolitions such as the one in Bethlehem immediately after the attack on the yeshiva was justified by saying it was part of a military operation, Kohen explained, as when the IDF was trying to arrest a suspect, or as part of a “targeted killing” – and this, she said. “would be an administrative measure”.
However, she emphasized, “it is not supposed to be used as a punishment, but only as a preventive measure”. And therein lies the probable present dilemma for Israeli decision-makers, she speculated, because in 2005 “an IDF military expert committee reported that house demolition is not effective, because it is not really working as a preventive measure”. So, Kohen said, it would be difficult for the military to say now it is destroying a house as a preventive measure “after their own experts said it does not prevent anything”.
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has (still) said nothing.
Asked about the apparent absence of condemnation by the Israeli leadership of the vigilante threats made by the demonstrators to take matters into their own hands, Prime Minister Olmert’s spokesman Mark Regev told this reporter that the Prime Minister had indeed made a statement at the beginning of the first weekly cabinet meeting (on 9 March) held after the attack on the Mercaz HaRav yeshiva – but before the demonstrators announced their plans. That statement, however, which is posted on the Prime Minister’s website, does not however make any apparent appeal for calm and public order.
Regev said that of course it is clear that the Prime Minister is totally opposed to vigilante action, or any attempts by anyone to take the law into their own hands.
And, Regev also said, the Prime Minister didn’t need to speak out on the planned demonstration, because “it was a police matter”.
But former police officials have said the police handling of the demonstration was inadequate.
According to Haaretz: “Former Jerusalem district police commander Mickey Levy criticized the police force for failing to prevent the confrontation. He told Army Radio Monday that it is inconceivable that the police was taken by surprise with a demonstration that was advertised well in advance on posters across Jerusalem … Appropriate preparation was called for in order to prevent the violent demonstration’, Levy said in an interview”.
YNet reported that “Former commanders of the Jerusalem District police harshly criticized Monday the police’s poor treatment of Sunday’s riots …”There was enough time to prepare for the events in Jabel Mukaber and it was clear to everyone what was going to happen,” retired police commander Arieh Amit stated. “This incident was simply poorly handled.” Amit slammed claims by police officials that forces were “surprised by the intensity of the riots,” pointing to the fact that the protestors published their intentions to march on the neighborhood beforehand. “Yesterday’s failure reflects a combination of a lack of experience and a lack of motivation on the officers’ part,” he stated. According to the former police commander, “In recent years right-wing activists have accumulated ‘operational experience,’ many of them served in elite units, they are familiar with the security forces’ way of thinking and manage to outsmart them.”
And, the Jerusalem Post wrote that “Another former Jerusalem police chief, retired Commander Mickey Levy, was also astonished to hear of the police’s poor preparedness for the violence. ‘This is unlike the Jerusalem District, which has immense experience in preparing for demonstrations. This is the city where the greatest number of rallies is being held, and the officers should have plenty of experience… I sincerely hope that an operational inquiry will be launched to examine the events’. Levy warned that permitting riots of this nature to develop ‘is simply unthinkable. This would lead us to anarchy, we cannot allow it’.”
hot
& hopefully not too badly misplaced
http://www.stratfor.com/sitrep/pna_yemen_hamas_agrees_yemeni_initiative
PNA, Yemen: Hamas Agrees To Yemeni Initiative
March 18, 2008 | 1627 GMT
Hamas said March 18 that it would accept a Yemeni initiative for reconciliation with Fatah, Reuters reported, citing a Hamas official. Hamas officials plan to meet with Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh to discuss the initiative, which also calls for early Palestinian elections and for control of the Gaza Strip to return to the way it was before Hamas seized power there in June 2007, a point of the initiative that Hamas has yet to agree upon.
East Jerusalem residents are considered “permanent residents” and actually and legaly they have never gone such process in order to become so.
The Blue Card is an Identification card, no more and no less, in the US for example the driver license is more valued than an ID card, for americans, but for permenant residents of the blessed United states the green card is what makes their status, not the ID card.
Hence everything can be applied to them, for example, are they under occupation? yes they are. are they under israeli civil law? yes depending on which service is offered to them. Can they get interior services from any place in the state? NO way, only and only in the wadi juz branch.
what is worth asking is? where are the moderate Israelis in Jerusalem? what is their opinion?
The Shabak was penetrated in the early 90’s and we lost Yitzhak Rabin(of Blessed memory) one of those very far on the right has decided to kill him because he thought that what he is doing as a prime minister is not good and killing him would be better!!!!
So what do we have after Rabin, the Shabak said that their resources indicate no activity would happen, but in reality they could not guess the “settlers” attack on the arab village close to Jebel Mukaber.
I wonder what Mr. Yuval Diskin has to say about that.
Mr. Olmert is looking to hear what everybody has to say and then be the last to speak. very wise.
Did Baruch Goldstein get the burial benefits from the state? or have they confiscated it like the case of Abu Dhaim?
Oopps! did I say national insurance? that is also another completely separate government in east jerusalem….
Did any Kenesset speaker seek to demolish his house? in fact there is a memorial stone for him where he entered and shot them people praying inside the mosque.
I hope for Jerusalem to prosper and live in security and peace.
In very few words:”
East Jerusalem residents are completely unprotected.
well apologies for my previous intrusion or excursion here above
since maybe it is not so hot after all
per
http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/pna_new_peace_deal_hamas_and_fatah
PNA: A New Peace Deal for Hamas and Fatah?
March 18, 2008 | 2228 GMT
Summary
Hamas announced March 18 that it is ready to accept a Yemen-brokered reconciliation deal with Fatah. The agreement offers the Palestinian Islamist movement a potential way out of its current dilemma, in which Hamas’ standoff with its secular rival is hurting its support base. The scope of any such deal will, however, be temporary; and once beyond the current impasse, the two sides will likely go back to business as usual.
Analysis
Deputy Hamas leader Moussa Abu Marzouk said March 18 that the Palestinian Islamist movement in control of the Gaza Strip is ready to accept a Yemeni-brokered deal for reconciliation with its secular rival, Fatah. Reuters quoted Marzouk as saying Hamas officials would meet with Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh and “inform him of the movement’s acceptance of the Yemeni initiative.” The senior Hamas offical did not say whether that meant that his group is prepared to relinquish its control over the Gaza Strip.
The agreement calls for the situation in Gaza to return to the way it was before Hamas seized control of the territory and for early Palestinian elections to be held — conditions endorsed by Fatah leader and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and so far rejected by Hamas. Gaza-based Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri explained that while Hamas has agreed to discuss all points contained in the Yemeni initiative, there are no preconditions in the agreement, though it lists items or points for dialogue. Delegations from the two factions will meet separately with Saleh.
The region’s two principal Arab states — Egypt and Saudi Arabia — along with Qatar have thus far failed to resolve the differences between the two rival Palestinian factions (largely because of interference by Syria and Iran, which hold sway over Hamas). Thus, it is hard to have confidence in any such deal being brokered by Yemen — a minor player in the Arab world with its own financial and militancy problems.
However, there are two factors which give the Yemeni deal the potential to lead to a breakthrough in the stalemate. First, Marzouk — Hamas’ Damascus-based No. 2 — is in Sanaa to participate in the indirect talks. While the Hamas leadership based in the Palestinian Territories has shown signs that it is ready to negotiate, the movement’s central leadership in exile, led by Khaled Meshaal, can torpedo any such move. Second, and more importantly, Hamas is faced with a dire situation because of internal and external pressure from both Israel and the Arab states. Hamas desperately needs to break the gridlock that could erode its influence in its stronghold of Gaza.
Just as Hamas must maintain a tough stance against Israel, it cannot afford to be seen as caving in to rival Fatah, and therefore it cannot relinquish control of Gaza — which it forcibly took over June 14, 2007 — without getting something in return. The proposed fresh elections are a means by which Hamas can agree to a return to status quo ante. That way it can also nullify Abbas’ dismissal of the Hamas-led coalition government the same day Hamas took over Gaza.
It is unlikely that Hamas’ January 2006 electoral victory would be reproduced if new elections were held. Instead, a fresh vote likely would level the playing field between the two sides in parliament. Having its parliamentary majority reversed is a price that Hamas is probably willing to pay in order to get out of its current predicament. Furthermore, fresh elections would not change the geopolitical divide between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. On the contrary, it would institutionalize the split, because Fatah — which lost in the West Bank in the 2006 elections — would be able to stage a comeback.
It remains to be seen whether the Yemeni initiative will in fact lead to a breakthrough. But even if it does, it is likely a temporary fix that will not alter the geopolitical divide among the Palestinians.
but perhaps here comes a more telling intrusion excursion
per
http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/russia_syria_lavrovs_visit_and_russias_levers
Russia, Syria: Lavrov’s Visit and Russia’s Levers
March 18, 2008 | 2202 GMT
Summary
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov departs March 19 for a round of meetings in Syria, Israel, and the Palestinian territories. While Russia has been fairly inactive in the Middle East lately, it still maintains levers there — tools which could be used to apply pressure on the West in response to quarrels elsewhere in the world.
Analysis
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov is taking off from Moscow on March 19 for meetings in Damascus, Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and Ramallah. Lavrov is embarking on his Mideast tour while U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney is holding meetings the same week in Iraq, Israel, the Palestinian territories, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Oman.
Over the past several months, the Russians had taken a step back from the Middle East. The buildup to and aftermath of Kosovo’s February declaration of independence kept Russia’s focus almost exclusively on its periphery, where Moscow used its levers in places like Georgia, Ukraine, Serbia and Kosovo to serve as a reminder that Western actions do not come without repercussions. Russia now has the opportunity to resume using its leverage with the West in the Middle East.
The Russians have not forgotten the levers they have in the Middle East. Russia and the United States are engaged in an intense standoff over a number of key issues, including Kosovo, NATO expansion and U.S. ballistic missile defense plans. With all these issues in play, Russia needs all the bargaining chips it can get. This includes its chips in the Middle East, where it has some room to act against U.S. interests in the region.
How far Lavrov goes in this effort is another question. During his trip, Lavrov probably will throw out some rhetorical support for Hamas and push Russia’s agenda for a Middle East summit in Moscow. Thus, he will seek to overshadow Washington in its attempts to resolve the ongoing crisis in the Gaza Strip and to draw the Israelis and the Palestinians back toward negotiations. But the Israeli-Palestinian issue is largely out of Russia’s hands at this point. The Palestinians already are attempting to forge a power-sharing agreement independent of the Russians, and Israel has bigger things to worry about than keeping up appearances in peace talks — namely, its impending confrontation with Hezbollah in Lebanon.
Stratfor has discussed at length the signs of a looming war between Israel and Hezbollah. Though Hezbollah and its Iranian patrons appear to be taking great care to avoid giving Israel an excuse to attack, there is no guarantee that an outbreak of hostilities in Lebanon will be avoided this summer. The Syrians — who are intrinsically tied to Hezbollah’s actions — are highly nervous at the thought of Israeli troops invading Lebanon for the third time. And this is where the Russians could see an opportunity.
Syria is fighting to preserve its credibility after suffering two humiliating attacks on its soil over the past year, namely, the September 2007 Israeli airstrike and the February assassination of top Hezbollah commander Imad Mughniyeh. The Syrians also face regional isolation while fighting an uphill battle against the West and major Sunni Arab powers in trying to consolidate their influence in a new Lebanese government.
At the very least, Russia can be expected to intervene in the battle over Beirut on behalf of the Syrians during Lavrov’s visit. But the Syrians, who have a long-standing relationship with Moscow, would be thrilled if the Russians threw them a bigger bone. This could include Moscow following through on one of many pending defense deals to build up Syria’s air defenses. Russia in turn could demonstrate to the United States that it still has some screws to turn in the Middle East if Washington maintains a hard-line stance in dealing with Russian demands on issues concerning NATO membership for Georgia and Ukraine.
So far, the Russians have been tight-lipped about any potential defense deals that could be penned in Damascus during Lavrov’s visit. With Syrian finances lacking, it will take a great deal of incentive for Russia to throw out a major defense contract. The motivation for such a move will depend on the slew of meetings between U.S. and Russian officials over the next several days as Moscow and Washington continue to feel each other out for a compromise. If these talks do not go well from Moscow’s point of view, Lavrov could have a surprise in store for the West when he gets to Syria.
fresh update on the above
from
http://www.stratfor.com/sitrep/pna_hamas_will_talk_fatah_wont_give_gaza
PNA: Hamas Will Talk To Fatah, Will Not Give Up Gaza
March 19, 2008 | 1619 GMT
Palestinian faction Hamas on March 19 said it is willing to talk to rival faction Fatah in a Yemeni-mediated reconciliation effort, Reuters reported. Before talks, Hamas said, Fatah must drop its demand for Hamas to give up control of the Gaza Strip.