List of Palestinians in Israeli jails whose Administrative Detention orders have been renewed

Amnesty International has today released a new report, entitled “Starving for Justice: Palestinians Detained Without Trial by Israel”. In a press release accompanying the report, Amnesty International says that: “We believe that Israel has renewed at least 30 Administrative Detention orders + issued at least 3 new ones since this [May 15] deal was struck” — this refers to the agreement between a committee of 9 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, and the Israeli Prison Service.

Amnesty says that “Despite many media reports suggesting that Israeli authorities had agreed as part of the deal to release Admin Detainees…at end of their current orders ‘unless significant new information was received’, it’s business as usual…”

Below is a list, from this Amnesty Report, of those 30 renewals of Administrative Detention and the 3 new ones.

The Amnesty International report notes that “Israel has used its system of Administrative Detention … to trample on the human rights of detainees for decades”.

Significantly, this Amnesty International report seems to say that those Administrative Detainees who have been jailed for their political beliefs — and this would presumably include being a member of organizations banned by Israel such as Hamas or Islamic Jihad — are Prisoners of Conscience.

This is a significant category of people whose human and political rights have been violated, for whom Amnesty International mounts world-wide awareness and support campaigns.

Some Prisoners of Conscience could also fall into the category of Human Rights Defenders — a group of people the UN Human Rights Council is bound to defend.

In this report, Amnesty International “calls on Israel to stop using these measures {Admin Detention] to suppress the legitimate + peaceful activities of activists.”

Within hours, the Palestinian Authority’s [PA’s] Government Media Center, headed by Ghassan Khatib [a former PA Minister of Labor and then of Planning, who long headed the Jerusalem Media = Communications Center] issued a statement saying that “we welcome this clear statement that Israel uses detention without trial to prevent Palestinians exercising their right to peaceful protest against the illegal occupation of Palestinian land”.

“Peaceful protest against the illegal occupation of Palestinian land” is a tactic and policy formally adopted by the PA Government headed by Salam Fayyad — and it is also endorsed by Palestinian President and head of Fateh, Mahmoud Abbas, himself, though there is precious little, really minimal, official backing of such protest.

However, that is not the only reason Israel uses “detention without trial”, terminology also used by Amnesty International at least once in this new report on Administrative Detention.

Israel seems to be using Administrative Detention primarily against those Palestinians accused of membership in organizations that Israel not only has declared “illegal” but also “terrorist” — particularly Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

Khatib himself scrupulously avoids using the words “Administrative Detention”… why?

The PA’s Government Media Center statement notes that “Dr. Khatib stressed that the abuse of prisoners is even worse than this report, as it does not address in detail all the violations of Palestinian prisoners that are contrary to international conventions and laws on the protection of the rights of prisoners of war”.

As the Palestinian government always does [while it does very little, saying its hands are tied etc.], it again here calls on the international community to act, and “calls on the international community to take action to end – and not merely condemn – the torture, detention without trial and other abuses highlighted by the Amnesty International report ‘Starved of justice: Palestinians detained without trial by Israel‘.”

In remarks attributed directly to Ghassan Khatib, the Government Media Center statement says: “This important report exposes human rights abuses practiced by Israel against Palestinian prisoners, and requires immediate and practical steps to implement its recommendations, the most important of which is to release prisoners immediately or given them a fair trial. Amnesty has made clear to the world how Israel breaks international law and breaks agreements with impunity. As this report states, Israel is already breaking the agreement it made to end the recent hunger strike by Palestinian prisoners … The torture of Palestinian prisoners should cause outrage even among those who support Israel. Israel can continue these shameful practices only as long as it feels safe from any serious international action to call it to account. This impunity must end.”

Here is the list, from the Amnesty International report, published here of those persons known to Amnesty International whose Administrative Detention has been extended, as well as 3 who are jailed under Administrative Detention orders for the first time:

PALESTINIANS WHOSE ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTION ORDERS HAVE BEEN RENEWED OR ISSUED BETWEEN 14 AND 31 MAY 2012

    Amnesty International has received the names of 30 Palestinian administrative detainees whose detention orders have been renewed and three who had been issued with new orders since the deal ending the mass hunger strike was signed on 14 May.

    New orders:
    1.) Sameeh Eleiwi
    2.) ‘Ala Fahmi Za’qeeq
    3.) Mohammed Saeed Ali Ba’aran

    Renewed orders:
    1.) Mohammed Maher Bader (PLC member)
    2.) Abdel Rahman Zidan (PLC member)
    3.) Ahmed al-Haj Ali (PLC member)
    4.) Mohammed Jamal Natsha (PLC member)
    5.) Nayef Mohammed al-Rajoob (PLC member)
    6.) Khalid Tafish (PLC member)
    7.) Hasan Youssef (PLC member)
    8.) Samir Qadi (PLC member)
    9,) Mohammed Ghazal (university lecturer)
    10.) Hussam Mohsen al-Raza
    11.) Samer al-Barq
    12.) Mohammed Karam al-Qadi
    13.) Rashad Ahmad Abd al-Rahman
    14.) Falah Taher Nada
    15.) Aziz Haroon Kayed
    16.) Shafiq Qawasmi
    17.) Khalil Abu Matar
    18.) Ahmad Assida
    19.) Mohamed Ali Abu al-Rob
    20.) Salah Nada
    21.) Hassan Shtayyeh
    23.) Sajed Militaat
    24.) Rida Khaled
    25.) Hussam Harb
    26.) Abdel Basset al-Hajj
    27.) Yassir Badrasawi
    28.) Farouq Tawfiq Musa
    29.) Hussam Khader [n.b., Hussam Khader of Fateh was elected to PLC in 1999, but jailed during 2006 elections so he could not present his candidacy]
    30.) Hussein Abu Kweik
    31.) Tareq al-Sheikh

PA says only journalists with PA Press Cards can cover major Bethelehem Christmas events

This is something I found out quite accidentally, in a discussion yesterday with a Palestinian official in Ramallah about the lack of reciprocity in Israeli-Palestinian relations [including Press accreditation for media]:

This year, for the first time since the Israeli conquest in the June 1967 war, it seems journalists holding ONLY Israeli GPO press cards [UPDATE] MAY encounter slight problems in covering Christmas events in Bethlehem…

However, yesterday, I was informed by the Palestinian official I discussed the matter with that “Anyone who thinks that they can come to cover the Bethlehem Christmas events this year with just an Israeli GPO card [and without a PA Press Card] is in for a big surprise … I will personally escort him/her back to the checkpoint”.

This morning, to clarify this surprising change, I phoned Ghassan Khatib, Director of the PA Government Media Center in Ramallah.

[Ghassan Khatib was for years the head of the JMCC [Jerusalem Media and Communications Center], based in East Jerusalem until the closure of Jerusalem to most Palestinians, and he continues to be editor of the weekly Bitterlemons online publication. Khatib also served as the PA Minister of Planning, and formerly as PA Minister of Labor, and then as the Vice-President of Bir Zeit University just outside Ramallah.]

He replied to my question about the new requirement for PA Press Cards this way: “Um, Well, Why not?”

Khatib added that this is standard practice in every place [country] in the world — to require specific press accreditation for coverage of major events.

Was there notification of this new policy?

“A statement was distributed to all journalists”, Khatib replied.

This statement was issued jointly, Khatib added, by the PA Government Media Center, by the PA Ministry of Tourism, and by the Bethlehem Municipality.

But, though I have a Palestinian [PA] Press Card, and have had for several years — and though I have several times requested to be added to the PA Government Media Center’s email distribution list — I have not ever received any of the PA Government Media Center’s emails or statements…

Khatib, who recalled one of my requests during an interview with him, in his office, in September, said he would look into it.

[During that interview, in September, Khatib suggested that he was thinking of doing away with the PA Press Cards, and wondered if they served any useful purpose…I argued that they were very important, even essential, especially in combat and conflict zones, and most particularly when crossing checkpoints and dealing with various security officials …]

I asked, what are the restrictions that will be imposed, exactly? Will holders of Israeli GPO cards only be able to enter Bethlehem but just not the Church of the Nativity? Can they go elsewhere as well? And, will this new requirement for a PA Press Card be for a limited duration of time? If so, will it just be for this holiday season, and if so, for how long?

Khatib said he did not know the answer to these questions, and either he or another official in his office would get back to me within 30 minutes — but so far this has not happened.

So, I called a Palestinian journalist friend — who happens to be in Bethlehem from now through the weekend — who downplayed the whole thing, saying that the PA statement said merely that having a PA Press
Card would “facilitate” the movement of journalists, and that there might be “inconveniences” otherwise.

[N.B. — This is not how it was phrased yesterday by one official in a position to know… However, this official indicated there MIGHT be exceptions made “if we know the person, and if we have worked with him/her before”]

    It was learned later on Thursday that the information below is incorrect [see information further down:
    However, the Palestinian journalist friend told me this afternoon that there is a PA Government Media Center presence now set up in Bethlehem, just outside the Church of Nativity, across from the Police Station in Manger Square, which will, among other things, issue PA press cards during the upcoming 2011 Christmas events…

UPDATE: The information above is not correct, it was later learned: the PLO Negotiations Support media team — and not the PA Government Media Center headed by Ghassan Khatib — has set up the presence in Bethlehem, just outside the Church, and across from the Police Station, and PA Press Cards cannot be issued there…

UPDATE TWO [Saturday 24 December]: For journalists who may need help or assistance, there is a phone contact for the Christmas Media Center for JOURNALISTS at Nativity Square in Bethlehem, which just came by SMS: 0598999769 .

Meantime, PA Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, his Advisor Jamal Zakout, and his Media Unit team sent out a Season’s Greeting wishing “all our fellow Journalists a Happy Holiday season. May the year 2012 bring joy, prosperity, success and more freedom of press. Merry Christmas and Happy New Year” …

Is this a rubber bullet?

This is a photo, taken by a field worker for BTselem, of the xray made on Saturday in a Nablus hospital of the bullet lodged in the brain of a Palestinian teenager shot in his village of Iraq Burin, in the West Bank south of Nablus, on Saturday 20 March.  He died just before dawn this morning (Sunday).

BTselem photo of xray of bullet in skull of youth shot in Iraq Burin on 20 March - died 21 March in Nablus hospital

photo (of xray) taken by BTselem fieldworker Salma aDeb’i

Our earlier post on this shooting is here.

BTselem has indicated that it will ask the Army to conduct a criminal investigation. On Saturday, an Israeli military spokesperson said that the commander of the Shomron regional brigade, Itzik Yar, will carry out an internal investigation.

An email sent Sunday morning by the Popular Struggle Coordination Committee says that “Ussayed Jamal Abd el-Nasser Qaddous [in the xray, Osaid Abd Kaddous, 19] passed away at 4:30 am this morning despite doctors’ efforts to save his life.  According to eye witnesses Qaddous was shot with live ammunition as soldiers invaded his village after residents demonstrated to protest settler harassment and restrictions of access to their lands.  Mohammed Qaddous, 16, was killed in the same incident yesterday, after soldiers shot him in the chest.  Despite the Israeli military’s claims that live ammunition was not used during the incident yesterday, the version given by numerous civilian eye witnesses of unjust use of live ammunition is corroborated by medical findings.   An xray of Ussayed’s skull taken at the Rafidya hospital in Nublus shows what is clearly a live bullet lodged in his skull. In addition, Mohammed Qaddous’s body had an entry wound in the chest and an exit wound in the back.  Such an injury could not have possibly been cause by anything but live ammunition.  Less-lethal ammunition, rubber-coated bullets included, can, under no circumstances, cause such injuries, even if shot from point blank”.

Ussayed (19) and Mohammed (16) were cousins. Ussayed, a student at an-Najah University in Nablus, was shot first, and Mohammed was trying to carry him to safety when he, too was hit. Mohammed was pronounced dead on Saturday afternoon upon arrival at Rafidiyah hospital in Nablus.

The Popular Struggle Coordination Committee reported, in their email, that “demonstrators set out yesterday towards the village’s lands after midday prayer, and were immediately confronted by soldiers who shot bursts of live ammunition in the air. The Army then continued to shoot tear-gas and rubber bullets towards the villagers in an attempt to prevent them from reaching their lands. Following the unprovoked attack on the villagers, who were accompanied by 15 international activists, intermittent clashes ensued.  Roughly two hours later, the Army retreated towards the settlement and demonstrators went back to the village. Shortly after, armored military jeeps invaded the village, arrested three people and raided houses. A few minutes later, live shots were fired at a small group of young men, some of which were throwing stones. The shots resulted in one fatality and one critical injury to the head”.

The Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) said Sunday that its investigation revealed that Ussayed and Mohammed were not even among the group throwing stones — instead, they were returning to their village in a minivan from Nablus and arrived in the middle of the Israeli military incursion, without prior warning about what was happening. Soldiers were out of their vehicles, PCHR reports, but not far away. When the minivan driver saw burning tires in the street, which was blocked ahead, he stopped: “Mohammed Ibrahim Abdul Qader Qadous, 16, and Usaid [Ussayed] Abdul Naser Qadous, 20, stepped down from the minibus. As the driver turned around to travel back to Nablus, Israeli soldiers opened fire at Mohammed, who was wounded by a bullet to the heart, and Usaid [Ussayed] who was wounded by a bullet to the head. A number of young Palestinians who were in the scene transferred the two wounded persons to the minibus. After the minibus drove for approximately 20 meters, Israeli military jeeps tried to stop it, but the driver managed to escape and reach Nablus Specialized Hospital. Mohammed arrived dead to the hospital, while Usaid [Ussayed] underwent a prolonged surgery, but he was pronounced dead on Sunday morning, 21 March 2010. Usaid [Ussayed] was student at an-Najah National University in Nablus”.

Jonathan Pollack, of Anarchists against the Wall, told Ma’an News Agency that that “It’s very clear this isn’t a rubber bullet … The IDF uses two types of rubber bullets; one is shaped like a ball and the other is cylindrical … The object lodged in Useid’s skull is shaped like a prism, pointed at the end. It’s a bullet.” This report can be read in full here.

Reuters reported that “Hamid al-Masri, a doctor who treated Osaid [Ussayed or Usaid or Useid] Kaddous [Qaddous etc.], presented an X-ray which he said showed a metal bullet lodged in his brain”. This Reuters report is posted here.

The Jerusalem Post’s Defense Correspondent Yaakov Katz reported later that “Judea and Samaria Division commander Brig.-Gen. Nitzan Alon on Sunday told Israel Radio that while the IDF probe into the deaths of two Palestinian youths in a clash with security forces in the West Bank village of Burin was not yet complete, he was certain that live ammunition was not used. A preliminary IDF investigation suggested that Ussayed Qaddous, 19, and Muhammad Qaddous, 16, were seriously wounded by rubber bullets fired in an effort to disperse a crowd of stone-throwers … According to military procedures, rubber bullets are only used after stun grenades and tear gas fail to disperse a crowd, Alon stressed, adding that the preliminary investigation had ruled out the possibility that soldiers used regular bullets. But Pollak contended that Qaddous was indeed killed by live ammunition. ‘There is an entry wound and an exit wound in his torso, and no rubber bullet in the world can cause such an injury’, Pollak said [see photos below, click on “read more”] … B’tselem made an identical argument. A senior IDF officer on Sunday morning also claimed that the youths would not have been killed if live ammunition had not been used. ‘Rubber bullets are used to prevent serious casualties and fatalities’, the officer told Army Radio, adding that ‘only a violation of procedures would lead to such a deadly outcome’.” This JPost story can be read in full here.

It is very significant that the JPost report got this confirmation from “a senior IDF officer” that it seems live ammunition was used in Iraq Burin.

Though they were apparently not used in this case, rubber bullets, also, can be lethal. The BTselem human rights organization notes on its website that “The Israeli security forces’ arsenal of means to disperse demonstrations in the Occupied Territories includes the use of ‘rubber’ bullets. These bullets are, in fact, steel bullets with thin rubber coats. Their use to disperse demonstrations is based on security officials’ belief that “rubber” bullets are less lethal than live ammunition and that, therefore, they are appropriate for use in situations which are not life-threatening to security forces or other persons. The drafters of the Open-Fire Regulations, however, were aware of the danger inherent in the use of ‘rubber bullets’. The Regulations emphasize that ‘The means for dispersing the riot may cause bodily injury and in certain circumstances also death’. Because rubber-coated steel bullets are intended for use where soldiers or other persons are not in life-threatening situations, the Regulations stipulate several restrictions concerning their use. According to the defense establishment, these provisions prevent the bullet from causing serious or fatal injury. According to these rules, the minimum range for firing ‘rubber’ bullets is forty meters, and use is limited to specially trained personnel. The Regulations emphasize that the bullets must be fired only at the individual’s legs, and that they are not to be fired at children or from a moving vehicle. The permission to fire potentially lethal rubber-coated steel bullets at Palestinians to disperse ‘violent riots’ or demonstrations has led to the deaths of dozens of Palestinians. Viewing rubber-coated steel bullets as ‘less lethal’ than live ammunition leads one to possess a light trigger-finger. This phenomenon is only supported by the view of State Attorney’s Office that these deaths are ‘unavoidable mistakes’.” This can be viewed in full on the BTselem website here.

Haaretz reported that “The head of the local village council [in Iraq Burin], Abd al-Rahim Kadus, told Haaretz that every Saturday settlers come to the village, attack the locals and destroy property, leading to clashes with the Palestinians. Israeli troops usually intervene to break up the fighting, which then turns into a confrontation between young villagers and the soldiers. The Palestinians maintain that the two teenagers were hit by live ammunition and that the soldiers prevented Palestinian medical staff from evacuating them”. This Haaretz report is published here.

UPDATE: There are new reports of two more Palestinians shot dead on Sunday, near Nablus.  [This makes a total of four deaths in 24 hours.] Initial reports say the army said the two Palestinians tried to attack soldiers at a checkpoint, or steal their weapons… Ma’an News Agency is reporting that “Palestinian security sources identified the victims as 19-year-old farmers Muhammad Faysal and Salah Muhammad Qawariq. Both were from the Awarta village, southeast of Nablus, and were en route to farmland carrying agricultural tools and herbicide, the same sources said. Israel’s army said the two attempted to stab a soldier who was on a ‘routine patrol’ near the Awarta military checkpoint. ‘In response, forces opened fire and identified a direct hit’, an army spokeswoman told Ma’an … Red Crescent officials told Ma’an that the army informed them that two Palestinians were killed near the illegal Itamar settlement southeast of Nablus, asking them to come and evacuate the victims”. This Ma’an report is posted here.

The IDF spokepersons’ unit said in a statement that “During a routine patrol carried out by IDF forces southeast of Nablus, two Palestinians tried to stab a soldier. The forces opened fire in response, killing both terrorists. No soldiers were hurt and the circumstances of the incident are currently under investigation”.

YNet reported Sunday night — 12 hours after the two 19-year-olds were shot — that “the security establishment is looking into the possibility that one of the Palestinian teenagers who were killed near Nablus earlier in the day planned to attack the soldiers with a syringe containing an unidentified substance. The syringe, which was sent to a lab for tests, was found during a search of his belongings. The two Palestinians were shot as they approached a military checkpoint near the West Bank village of Awarta, southwest of Nablus. The two were said to be disguised [sic] as farmers. At a certain point, witnesses said, they began shouting ‘Allahu Akbar’ and made threatening gestures towards the soldiers.  Fighters from the Nachshon Battalion of the Kfir Brigade shot the Palestinians to death. A military official said the two had the intention and means to harm the soldiers, who acted according to procedures. Palestinian sources in Nablus reported that the two were 19-year-old relatives Muhammad and Salah Kawarik from Awatra. According to the Palestinians, the two were holding agricultural equipment used as part of their work when they were shot to death by IDF soldiers. According to an initial IDF investigation, at some point one of the Palestinian teens pulled out a glass bottle filled with pebbles while the other held a syringe. A pitchfork and other tools were placed on the ground beside them”. This YNet report can be read in full here.

Reuters reported later that Palestinian government spokesperson Ghassan Khatib “called for an independent investigation into the killing of cousins Mohammed Qawariq and Saleh Qawariq on Sunday, citing witness accounts they had been shot only after being arrested“. The Reuters report is here.

The Stop The Wall campaign said in an email report received Sunday night that “Eyewitnesses from the houses overlooking the field the youth were crossing report that an Israeli occupation forces jeep approached the youth and stopped them. Additional military jeeps soon arrived at the spot. The youth were held for around seven minutes before the soldiers shot both youth from close range. Mohammad and Salah both died instantly. Later, a commander of the occupation forces approached the mayor of the village, Hassan Awwad, accusing one of the two youth of having tried to attack the soldiers. The mayor argues that knowing the two youth, given the circumstances and the fact that the two were already detained for some time before they were shot, the explanation of the IOF does not stand up in front of eyewitness testimonies, nor is it logical. He added that the inhabitants of Awarta have suffered for years from the assaults by settlers from Itamar settlement and by Israeli soldiers and thus have been avoiding clashes as much as possible”.

All four Palestinian teenagers were buried on Sunday.

Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad has condemned these four deaths as “military escalation”, and called on the international community to intervene. A day earlier, Fayyad was showing UN Secretary-General BAN Ki-Moon around on a “brief” tour of some of the sights of the Israeli occupation — Jewish-only settlements on nearby hilltops, The Wall, and Ofer Prison and Military Courts complex — from a safe vantage point in Ramallah.

About three months ago, in December, three Fatah men were shot dead in Nablus by Israeli forces in pre-dawn raids after an Israeli settler was killed while driving on a road between two nearby Jewish settlements. BTselem demanded a “Military Police investigation into the circumstances of the killings of Ghassan Abu Sharakh, Nader a-Sarkaji, and ‘Anan Subuh in Nablus on 26 December 2009. B’Tselem further demanded that the Military Police investigate the soldiers’ violence against the families of the three men and the damage caused to their property” … BTselem said its own investigation “raises a grave suspicion that the soldiers acted unlawfully and, at least in the cases of Ghassan Abu Sharakh and Nader a-Sarkaji, made no attempt to arrest them before shooting them to death. This, in spite of the fact that the two had obeyed the order to exit their home, and were not carrying arms … B’Tselem says that the three Fatah activists were suspected by Israel of committing a serious offense, and stood to serve long sentences had they been convicted. However, as they were merely suspects, the army’s duty was to arrest them and bring them to trial. Israel denies that it carries out assassinations in the West Bank, yet B’Tselem’s investigation raise a grave suspicion that the soldiers acted as if they were on an assassination mission, not an arrest operation”.

Click below to view BTselem’s photographs of the entry and exit points of the bullet that killed Mohammed Qaddous — evidence, some say, that this was clearly not a rubber bullet. Reuters reported that “Ahmad Hammad, a Nablus doctor, showed a Reuters journalist a photograph of what he said was a bullet entry wound in Mohammed Kaddous’s chest and an exit wound in his back”. It was, moreover, one very precise and accurate shot, fired by an expert marksman, or sniper:

Continue reading Is this a rubber bullet?

Abbas offers new explanation of Goldstone report fiasco

Maan News Agency reported that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas told a meeting of Fatah Revolutionary Council at the Presidential headquarters compound, the Muqata’a, in Ramallah, that “To keep you updated, when the Goldstone report was released, we agreed on it and welcomed it. Arab countries proposed a high-level project to be submitted to the UN Human Rights Council, that protects our rights and it was opposed by Europe, the US, China, and Russia. Then the US suggested a very low-level project which holds us responsible for the war on Gaza. Neither project was passed. It was necessary to find a compromise. We found that it would be better to defer discussion of the report. Well, we are not a full member of the Human Rights Council, and we can’t submit, or withdraw, or delay a proposal. Everybody was silenced. Then some began accusing us of erring. Who read the report anyway? Those who were in Geneva did not read the report, because it needed to be translated … Let’s assume we saw the report. Where did we err? Why do we say that? Everybody says we erred. Unfortunately, the fuss about the report started here in Palestine. They said, this is your opportunity to attack them fiercely. I have all the names who contacted the fact-finding mission to talk to them. The least I can describe this is shame. Is the mission an opportunity to attack us? For what? I accepted the commission, and I am the one in charge. Nobody operated without my approval. It was I who made evaluations. I gave directives to [Ambassador] Ibrahim Khreisha to find a way to re-submit the Goldstone report, and a week later he did. The report was discussed, and was approved. Where is treason they accuse us of?” This report is posted here.

This is almost incomprehensible — it’s hard to tell if there are errors in translation, a problem with editing, or something else Palestinians did not read the report because it was not translated? Deferring discussion of the report was a compromise?

Abbas was speaking a a three-day meeting of the new Fatah Revolutionary Council that was elected at the movement’s 6th general conference in Bethlehem last August.

In the absence of news to the contrary, it must be assumed that the Palestinian Investigative Committee that Abbas formed to look into what happened concerning the Goldstone report fiasco is still doing its work.

Continue reading Abbas offers new explanation of Goldstone report fiasco